Educating India, changing India
Change in India is a complex process of
introducing new ideas, dealing with multiple interest groups, and trying to
reshape institutions through which activities take place. Nowhere is the need
for change more urgent than in the education sector, because the lack of
adequate human capital may be the biggest constraint that India faces in
seeking faster economic growth.
Change in India is a complex process of introducing
new ideas, dealing with multiple interest groups, and trying to reshape
institutions through which activities take place. Nowhere is the need for
change more urgent than in the education sector, because the lack of adequate
human capital may be the biggest constraint that India faces in seeking faster
economic growth. Of course, thinking about education leads to concerns about
health and nutrition, physical infrastructure and so on, but let us put those
aside for the moment.
What is interesting is how much we have learned in the last decade about the process of education in India. Clearly, the institutional mechanisms work well as screening devices, as well as imparting certain basic skills to a slice of the population. The best products of the system do very well in globally competitive environments, but like many other aspects of Indian life, there is a steep fall off in skills going below the top, much more than the natural distribution of human abilities might predict. As is now clearly understood, national efforts like the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) improved access and enrolment numbers, but not necessarily learning outcomes.
A well-known problem is that of teacher absence, or of
teacher incentives in general. Teaching aides may have better incentives, and
seem to help, but the deeper problem is one of pedagogical methods. The NGO
Pratham has been a leader in trying to change the classroom learning process
(as well as documenting deficiencies in traditional delivery mechanisms), with
measurable positive results. It has also pioneered supplemental approaches such
as expanding access to after-school tuition, or in-school remedial education to
help learning laggards catch up before they fall permanently behind.
In the past weeks, I attended a conference where one
paper documented an experiment seeking to establish whether enabling more
students to afford after-school tuition improved learning outcomes—it did
not—and another paper that measured whether using adaptive learning software
for mathematics improved learning outcomes; it did. These were specific additions
to our knowledge, based on careful research. In another conference, a panel on
skill development highlighted the breadth of India’s skilling challenge, and
left me wondering where and how one should start, beyond simply listing all the
needed skills across industries, sectors and jobs. Then I travelled to Punjab,
where I learned about a successful remedial learning programme run locally by
the Nabha Foundation, dating as far back as Pratham’s first efforts. I also
learned about the distance learning program at Punjabi University, Patiala,
which is different from larger-scale efforts such as Punjab Technical
University, or the 800-pound gorilla that is Indira Gandhi National Open
University.
All of these examples were leading me to think of what
kinds of changes might be cost-effective, improve learning outcomes
simultaneously with access, and be implementable without having to battle
entrenched interests and getting swallowed in existing institutional
dysfunction. Reading further, I came across what might be the best example of
research on how to bring about change in India: the focus is on education, but
the lessons may turn out to be very general.
Yamini Aiyar, Vincy Davis and Ambrish Dongre conducted
a lengthy detailed qualitative study of frontline education administration in
Bihar, with over 100 interviews. What emerged was a picture of “organisational
design of the education administration which privileges a top-down, rule-based
hierarchy that leaves local administrators little by way of authority” and
creates “a narrative of powerlessness.” What led to positive change in some
locations? This happened when “district leaders encouraged active dialogue and
problem-solving” with frontline administrators, instead of “expressing
leadership through hierarchy and demands for compliance.” Indeed, the project
showed that Pratham-style pedagogical improvements in the classroom worked, but
these were met with pessimism by frontline administrators who saw themselves
only as “reporting machines.” This work suggests that marginal changes may
never be sustainable, but instead the harder task of modifying institutional
structures and attitudes within organisations has to be undertaken for
large-scale improvements in education access and outcomes.
We have seen the germ of this story in case studies
where local control of schools in India has led to improved teacher
accountability and performance. We can also get a sense of why SSA ultimately
did not improve learning outcomes. The study’s authors emphasise changing work
culture and management practices, but this may also require decentralising the
education bureaucracy, so that it permits local improvements, and focuses on
providing support rather than enforcing hierarchical compliance. Of course,
this is the change needed within every classroom in India. Children in school
do better with tailored support than with blanket rules. So do young adults in
university or other training venues. And so do government officials, whether in
the education bureaucracy or in any other one of India’s many bureaucratic
structures. Beginning this change may therefore be the key to effecting real
change in India.
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